Battles fought by Abraham Wood in Revolutionary War

Ft Washington Captured - Washington Retreats Through N.J.-1776

The British captured Fort Washington on Northern Manhattan Island on November 16, 1776, without much difficulty. Washington proceeded into New Jersey. He was pursued by Howe all the way south until he successfully crossed the Delaware River.

The final act of the Battles of New York was the British capture of Fort Washington. The Hudson River was guarded by Fort Washington and Fort Lee, but the British managed to send ships past the forts without difficulty, thus limiting their usefulness. The commander on the scene, Colonel Nathaniel Greene, believed that he could hold the fort with the 3,000 men that he had. On November 27th, Howe struck the outer defenses of the fort. They were too far away from the fort itself, and the British broke through. After suffering heavy losses but acquitting themselves well, the fort surrendered. Two thousand seven hundred twenty-two American were captured. Howe soon took Fort Lee on the New Jersey side and pursued Washington's forces all the way down New Jersey. He did not catch up, however, and Washington was able to get away with his army more or less intact across the Delaware River.

Battle of Brandywine

After a month of strategic maneuvering, Sir William Howe marched his troops toward Philadelphia, the unofficial capital of America. Washington had been watching Howe carefully and rushed to stop him from reaching the city. Marquis de Lafayette, a French alley, served with Washington to fight for American freedom. He was a great help to Washington in training the Continental Army.

Howe with 18,000 men went to the American post at Brandywine Creek. They launched a full scale attack on 11,000 of George Washington's men, with Howe in front and General Cornwallis to the right. The Americans were totally unaware that the British would try to cross the creek in separate places. Washington backtracked to Chester, Pennsylvania.  A British pursuit was stopped by another group of soldiers, therefore, Howe could not occupy the abandoned capital until September 26. British deaths totaled to about 600 and American losses were 900 dead and wounded, along with 400 taken prisoner.

At the end of August, General Howe brought his army south by sea, threatening Philadelphia. On September 10th, Howe's forces attacked the American troops blocking his way to Philadelphia at Brandywine. In a day long battle, the British vanquished the American forces. The Americans, however, were able to extract their army.

Howe regained the initiative by moving his troops south by sea to threaten Philadelphia. He landed his troops on the west side of the Elk River on August 25, 1777. After a week of rest, Howe marched his troops north toward Philadelphia. Washington responded by marching his army south through Philadelphia to meet Howe. After harassing Howe's advance for a few days, Washington placed his army behind Brandywine Creek. The creek was crossable only at a number of fords. At 4:00 AM of the 10th, while part of his army was engaged in a diversionary attack against Chads Ford, Howe took the bulk of his army on a long march through back roads to cross at Trimble and Jeffries Ford at the end of Washington's unanchored lines. Howe successfully crossed the fords and brought his troops to Osborne Hill, outflanking Washington's troops. The American troops redeployed to try to block the British. At 4:00 PM, the British troops set off down the hill to the music of the British Grenadier. They marched through a hole in the American lines, but the hole was soon plugged. The battle continued for a few hours. Hand to hand desperate fighting ensued. By nightfall, Washington was forced to withdraw. The British had won the day, but Washington's army, while bruised, was still intact.

General George Washington’s Report

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
At Midnight, Chester. September 11, 1777

SIR: I am sorry to inform you, that in this day's engagement, we have been obliged to leave the enemy masters of the field. Unfortunately the intelligence received of the enemy's advancing up the Brandywine, and crossing at a ford about six miles above us, was uncertain and contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains to get the best. This prevented my making a disposition, adequate to the force with which the Enemy attacked us on the right; in consequence of which the troops first engaged, were obliged to retire before they could be reinforced. In the midst of the attack on the right, that body of the Enemy which remained on the other side of Chad's Ford, crossed it, and attacked the division there under the command of General Wayne and the light troops under General Maxwell who, after a severe conflict, also retired. The Militia under the command of Major Genl. Armstrong, being posted at a ford, about two miles below Chad's, had no opportunity of engaging. But though we fought under many disadvantages, and were from the causes, above mentioned obliged to retire, yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded, very considerable, I believe much less than the enemy's. We have also lost about seven or eight pieces of cannon, according to the best information I can at present obtain. The baggage having been previously moved off, is all secure, saving the men's Blankets, which being at their backs, many of them doubtless are lost.

I have directed all the troops to Assemble behind Chester, where they are now arranging for this Night. Notwithstanding the misfortune of the day, I am happy to find the troops in good spirits; and I hope another time we shall compensate for the losses now sustained. The Marquis La Fayette was wounded in the leg, and Genl. Woodford in the hand. Divers other Officers were wounded and some Slain, but the number of either cannot now be ascertained. I have &cat

P. S. It has not been in my power to send you earlier intelligence; the present being the first leisure moment I have had since the action.

Journal of Colonel Timothy Pickering of Massachusetts.

September 11th

This morning a cannonade took place, the enemy having advanced to the heights opposite to those occupied by us, on the other side of the ford. A hot skirmish took place between our light troops, under Maxwell, and a party of Hessians, in which the latter were chiefly killed and wounded, not thirty running away, it being judged by Maxwell that three hundred of them were killed and wounded. The enemy made no attempt to cross at this place The cannonade was mutual; theirs did us no harm, save killing one man.

The enemy remaining paraded on the distant heights, and continuing the cannonade, induced me to think they did not intend to cross at Chad's Ford, but only to amuse us while their main army crossed at some other place. The event proved the conjecture right. The enemy's main body crossed the; Brandywine six or eight miles above, on our right. The General had intelligence of this by some messengers; but it was contradicted by others; and, the information remaining a long time surprisingly uncertain, it was late before a disposition was made to receive the enemy on that quarter. The consequence was that the divisions first engaged, being too far distant to be supported by others, were repulsed; and this laid the foundation for a final defeat. Nevertheless, Weedon's brigade, which got up a little before night, fought bravely and checked the pursuit of the enemy, and gave more time for the others to retreat. This engagement on the right began about half after three P.M., or four, and lasted till nignt.

When the battle raged most on the right, and the Continental troops were all, save Wayne's division, drawn off to the right, the enemy opposite Chad's Ford began a most furious cannonade, which was as warmly returned from the park of artillery. But at length the enemy pushed over, and, after an obstinate engagement with our artillery and Wayne's division, the latter retreated.

The whole army this night retired to Chester. It was fortunate for us that the night came on, for under its cover the fatigued stragglers and some wounded made their escape.

Diary of Joseph Clark.

Sept. 11, 1777

The cannonading began in the morning. At the upp~ ford the enemy sent a great part of their force about noon. Three divisions of our army were sent immediately to oppose them, viz: Sterling's, Sullivan's and Stephens'; but as there were no heights at this ford, on our side, to prevent their landing by cannon from batteries, we were obliged to oppose them after they had crossed; but as their number was larger than was expected, they stretched their line beyond ours and flanked our right wing shortly after the action began. ~

This occasioned the line to break, to prevent being surrounded, though the firing, while the action lasted, was the warmest, I believe, that has been in America since the war began; and, as our men on the left of the line were pretty well stationed, they swept off great numbers of the enemy before they I retreated, and from the best accounts I could collect from the officers in the action, the enemy must have suffered very much from our people before they broke, though, indeed, our people suffered much in this action, and would have suffered more if Gen'l Green had not been detached to their assistance, by whose timely aid they made a safe retreat of the men, though we lost some pieces of artillery; he, however, got up too late to form in a proper line and give our party that was broken time to recover. Notwithstanding this repulse, which was the most severe upon the 3d Virginia Regiment, who, through mistake, was fired upon by our own men, our whole body got off with but an inconsiderable loss in men, though something considerable in artillery.

When the action began at the upper ford, the batteries at the middle ford opened upon each other with such fury as if the elements had been in convulsions; the valley was filled with smoke, and now I grew seriously anxious for the event. For an hour and a half this horrid sport continued, and about sunset I saw a column of the enemy advance to one of our batteries and take it. Under cover of their cannon they had crossed at the ford, and were advancing in a large body. What we lost at our batteries I have not yet heard. As all our militia were at the lower ford, where was no action, and Gentl Green sent to reinforce at the upper ford, we had not a very large party to oppose the enemy at the middle ford. The body stationed across the valley drew off to the right, and formed farther back on an eminence, when an engagement began with musketry, and the enemy gave way; but, as night was spreading its dusky shade through the gloomy valley, and our army was something broke, it was necessary to leave the field of action and take care of the troops.

Accordingly, after sunset, the party at the middle ford drew off and marched down to Chester, where the whole army, by appointment, met. The sun was set when I left the hill from whence I saw the fate of the day. His Excellency I saw within 200 yards of the enemy, with but a small party about him, and they drawing off from their station, our army broke at the right, and night coming on, adding a gloom to our misfortunes, amidst the noise of cannon, the hurry of people, and wagons driving in confusion from the field, I came off with a heart full of distress. In painful anxiety I took with hasty step the gloomy path from the field, and traveled 15 miles to Chester, where I slept two hours upon a couple of chairs....

Journal of Major John Andre, Adjutant General in the British Army.

Sept. 10th & 11th

The army marched in two columns under Lord Cornwallis and General Knyphausen (Sir William Howe was with the form~ and proceeded to the forks of Brandywine, crossed the ford there and b. circuit of about fifteen miles came upon the enemy's right flank, near Birmingham Meeting House. The latter took the straight road to Chad's Ford opposite to which the Rebel army lay.

The design, it seemed, was that General Knyphausen, taking post at Chad’s Ford, should begin early to cannonade the enemy on the opposite side, there by to take up his attention and make him presume an attack was then intended with the whole army, whilst the other column should be perforo. the de'tour. Lord Cornwallis's wding being engaged was to be the signal for the troops under General Knyphausen to cross the ford when they were to push their advantage.

The event fell little short of the project. General Knyphausen posted I himself early in the day on the heights opposite the Rebel army. This was clistributed on all the most advantageous eminences overlooking the ford which lay beneath. On one of these hills they had thrown up a small breast~rork with two guns, one a I2-pounder, and beneath this, flanking the ford and road, another battery of three guns and a howitzer. Felled trees obstructed the passage at other fords near this place. It was not without some opposition that General Knyphausen took up his ground, and whilst he was tldre a body of 2000 men crossed the river and came upon his right. They were driven back by one or two regiments.

On the left, Sir William Howe, drawing near Birmingham, found the Rebels posted on the heights to oppose him. Washington had drawn part of his army here about two hours before, on receiving the first intimation of General Howe's approach. At about 4 o'clock the attack began near the meeting House. The Guards were formed upon the right, the British Grenadiers in the centre, and the Light Infantry and Chasseurs on the left. The Hessian Grenadiers supported the Guards and British Grenadiers, and the 4th Brigade supported the Light Infantry and the left of the Grenadiers. The 3d Brigade under General Grey was the reserve. The Guards met with very little resistance and penetrated to the very height overlooking the 4-gun battery of the Rebels at Chad's Ford, just as General Knyphausen had crossed. The Hessian Grenadiers were to their left and not so far advanced. The British Grenadiers divided after passing Birmingham Meeting House, the ISt Battalion inclining to the right and the 2d pushing about a mile beyond the village of Dilworth. The Light Infantry and Chasseurs inclined to the left, and by this means left an interval which was filled up by part of the 4th Brigade. The Light Infantry met with the chief resistance at a hill on which the Rebels had four pieces of cannon. At the end of the day the 2d Battalion Grenadiers received a very heavy fire; the 64th Regiment, which was near them, was engaged at the same time. The Rebels were driven back by thc superior fire the troops, but these were too much exhausted to be able to charge or pursue. The reserve moved centrically in the rear of the whole and inclined successively to the parts most engaged.

General Knyphausen, as was preconcerted, passed the ford upon hearing the other column engaged, and the troops under him pushed the enemy with equal success. Night and the fatigue the soldiers had undergone prevented any porsuit. It is remarkable that after reconnoitering after the action, the right of General Howe's camp was found close on General Knyphausen's left, and nearly in a line, and in forming the general camp next day scarce any alteration was made.

Battle of Germantown

After Howe had occupied Philadelphia, Washington attacked British troops at Germantown. The Americans planned a four pronged attack. The morning was foggy, and American coordination broke down. As a result, the attack failed, and the American troops were forced to withdraw.

On September 22nd, Howe managed to outflank Washington and make his way into Philadelphia. Nevertheless, Washington was not willing to allow Howe to remain in Philadelphia unmolested. Early on the morning of October 4th, Washington's troops attacked the British troops in Germantown. There were 8,000 troops bivouacked there, and Washington's plans called for a simultaneous attack by four converging forces. The Americans were supposed to attack without firing, but shooting broke out very quickly from both sides. The air around Germantown that early October morning was laden with a fog so thick that American troops soon began to attack each other accidentally. Coordination between the various attacking forces became impossible. As American forces fired on one another, Howe counterattacked. The initiative moved to the British and the American forces were forced to withdraw. Once again, the American forces were defeated. However, the army was still intact, even after a fierce struggle with the British.

General John Armstrong to General Gates.

Camp, October 9, 1777

Three days ago I wrote you at greater length than at present I can do, but find thro' hurry in the night I have sent your letter to some other gentleman. On the fourth inst General Washington attacked the enemy, marching his troops by various routes about fifteen miles the preceding night. The British troops were encamped chiefly at German Town, the foreigners principally betwixt the Falls of Scuilkill and John Vandurings mill. We could not take off (as was designed) but beat in the enemies pickquets, so that the surprize was not total but partial.

At the head of German Town the Continental troops attacked with vigor, and drove the British who frequently rallied and were drove again and again about the space of two miles, when some unhappy spirit of in- I formation seized our troops almost universally whereby they began to retreat and fled in wild disorder unknown to the General—that is, without his orders and beyond his power to prevent. So that a victory, a glorious victory | fought for and eight tenths won, was shamefully but mysteriously lost, for ~ to this moment no one man can or at least will give any good reason for the I flight. The conjectures are these: The morning was foggy and so far unfavorable. It's said ours took the maneuvers of part of our own people for 1 large reinforcements of the enemy and thereby took fright at themselves or at one another. Some unhappy officer is said to have called out: "We are~; surrounded, we are surrounded!" -~

The enemy also in their flight—I mean part of them—took into a cherch,~ and a larger body into Mr Chews Germantown house where on our part out | ill judged delay was made and the troops impeded in their warm pursuit There a flag was sent in, insulted and the bearer wounded, where also a number of our people fell by the wall pieces and musquetry from the house which proved too strong for the metal of our field pieces. .

My destiny was against the foreigners, rather to divert than with the militia fight their superior body; however, we attempted both, until the General, seeing his men retreat, sent for me with the division. [I] follered a slow cannonade several miles but found him not, fell in with the rear of the enemy, still supposing them a vanquished party and that we had victory tho' the firing was then countered. We gave them a brush, but their artillery, so well directed, soon obliged us to file off, near two hours after our troops had left the field. I lost but thirty-nine wounded.

On the other hand every intelligence from town assures us that the Continental troops in the morning gave the enemy a severe drubing: Genl. Agnew killed, Grant and Erskin wounded, with some colonels in the hospital and some churches crowded with their wounded, the triumphing Tories again shook at the center, the drooping spirits of the Whigs a little relieved—thus God supports our otherwise sinking spirits which were also animated by your northern success.

Journal of Colonel Timothy Pickering.

October 3d, 1777.

The troops were got ready for marching, it being intended to make an attack upon the enemy the next morning. In the eveoing, about eight o'clock, the troops were on the march, in the following disposition: General Sullivan, commanding the right wing, was to move down, with his and Wayne's divisions, on the direct road to Germantown, preceded by Conway's brigade, which was to take oflf the enemy's picket, file off to the right, and fall upon the enemy's left flank and rear, while Sullivan's and Wayne's divisions attacked them in front. Maxwell's and the North Caroline brigades were to form a second line in rear of Sullivan and Wayne. General Greene, with the left wing, was to move down the North Wales road to attack the enemy's right, the front line of this wing being composed of Greene's and McDougall's divisions, and the second line, of Stephen's; while Smallwood, with his Maryland, and Forman, with his Jersey militia, were to attack them on their right flank and rear. At the same time General Armstrong, with his division of Pennsylvania militia, was to move down the old Egypt or Schuylkill road, and take off a Hessian picket posted there, and I attack the enemy's left wing and rear. The attack was to begin upon enr~ quarter at five in the morning.

This disposition appears to have been well made; but to execute such a plan requires great exactness in the officers conducting the columns, as vell as punctuality in commencing the march, to bring the whole to the point of I action at once; and for this end it is absolutely necessary that the length and I quality of the roads be perfectly ascertained, the time it will take to march them accurately calculated, and guides chosen who are perfectly acqwinted with the roads. It is also necessary to assign proper halting-places, either column would arrive before the appointed hour. All these points, I believe, I were attended to in the present case; but yet I understood that the guide ot the left wing mistook the way, so that, although the right wing halted a considerable time, yet it attacked first, though later than was intended; that
halt being occasioned by information from a prisoner that half a battalion of the enemy's light infantry had the preceding evening advanced on the same road a considerable way beyond their picket. It was necessary, therefore, to make a disposition to secure that party of light infantry, that their opposition might not frustrate the principal design. Such a disposition was in fact made; but the enemy had retired about midnight to their camp.

General Conway's brigade formed the advanced guard, and in the morning, October 4th, attacked and drove the enemy's picket at Beggarstown ~which is the upper end of Germantown). The rest of the right wing folio\~ed to support Conway. In a little time the whole got engaged, save the North Carolina brigade, which was not brought on to the attack at all. The other brigades drove the enemy before them a mile or two to the very center of Germantown. All this time we could not hear of the left wing's being engaged, for the smoke and fog prevented our seeing them, and our own fire drowned theirs. (General Washington went with the right wing, attended by his aides-de-camp and myself.) But the left wing had engaged, and both wings met almost in the same point, which was at Mr. Chew's house, into which thc cncmy had thrown a party (we since find them to have been si\ companies, with a colonel to command them) that annoyed us prodigious) and absolutely stopped our pursuit—not necessarily, but we mistook our true interest; we ought to have pushed our advantage, leaving a party to vatch the enemy in that house. But our stop here gave the enemy time to recollect themselves and get reenforced, and eventually to oblige us to retreat; for this period was all suspense, and the brigades not well collected and turned in the mean time. Indeed, this would have been, perhaps, impracticable, for the troops were greatly broken and scattered, great numbers having;, left their corps to help off the wounded, others being broken by other means, or by carelessness; for officers and men got much separated from each other, neither (in numerous instances) knowing where to find their own.

This house of Chew's was a strong stone building and exceedingly commo~lious, having windows on every side, so that you could not approach it without being exposed to a severe fire; which, in fact, was well directed and killed and wounded a great many of our officers and men. Several of our pieces, six-pounders, were brought up within musket-shot of it, and fired round balls at it, but in vain: the enemy, I imagine, were very little hurt; they still kept possession. It was proposed (for our advanced brigades had driven the enemy some way beyond it to send a flag to summon the enemy posted theirs to surrender, it being urged as dangerous to leave them in our rear. A proposal was made to leave a party to watch them, and for the rest of the army to push on. But a flag was sent, Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, Deputy Adjutant-General, offering himself to carry it. I did not expect to see him returning alive. I imagined they would pay no respect to the flag, they being 'ell posted, and the battle far enough from being decided. The event justified my apprehensions: in a few minutes Mr. Smith was brought back with his leg broken and shattered by a musket-ball fired from the house.

During this time there was a cessation of firing; but soon the enemy advanced, and our troops gave way on all sides and retired with precipitation.

This retreat surprised every body (all supposing victory was nearly secured in our favor); but I think the facts before mentioned will tolerably well account for that event. Another circumstance also contributed to it: the foggy, still morning (the air moving very little, but what there was bringing smoke and fog in our faces) and the body of smoke from the firing absolutely prevented our seeing the enemy till they had advanced close upon us. This also prevented the two wings, and even the different brigades of the same wing, from seeing each other and cooperating in the best manner; nay, I am persuaded they sometimes fired on each other, particularly at Chew's house, where the left wing supposed the cannon-balls fired by the right at the house came from the enemy. In a word, our disaster was imputed chicfly to the fog and the smoke, which, from the stillness of the air, remained a long time, hanging low and undissipated. But, on the other hand, it must be remembered that the fog blinded the enemy as well as ourselves, though it certainly injured us most.

Diary of Lieutenant Sir Martin Hunter.

General Wayne commanded the advance, and fully expected to be revenged for the surprise we had given him. When the first shots were fired at our pickets, so much had we all Wayne's affair in remembrance that the battalion was out and under arms in a minute. At this time the day had just broke; but it was a very foggy morning and so dark we could not see a hundred yarrds before us. Just as the battalion had formed, the pickets came in and said the enemy were advancing in force.

They had hardly joined the battalion, when we heard a loud cry of "Have at the bloodhounds! Revenge Wayne's affair!" and they immediately fired a volley. We gave them one in return, cheered, and charged. As it was near the end of the campaign, it was very weak; it did not consist of more than three hundred men, and we had no support nearer than Germantown, a mile in our rear. On our charging, they gave way on all sides, but again and again renewed the attack with fresh troops and greater force. We charged them twice, till the battalion was so reduced by killed and wounded thar the bugle was sounded to retreat; indeed had we not retreated at the very time we did, we should all have been taken or killed, as two columns of the enemy had nearly got round our flank. But this was the first time we had retreated from the Americans, and it was with great difficulty we could get our men to obey our orders.

The enemy were kept so long in check that the two brigades had advanced to the entrance of Biggenstown when they met our battalion retreating. By this time General Howe had come up, and seeing the battalion retreating, all broken' he got into a passion and exclaimed: "For shame, Light Infantry!

I never saw you retreat before. Form! form! it's only a scouting party." However, he was soon convinced it was more than a scouting party, as the heads of the enemy's columns soon appeared. One coming through Biggens" town, with three pieces of cannon in their front, immediately fired with grape at the crowd that was standing with General Howe under a large chesnut-tree. I think I never saw people enjoy a discharge of grape before; but we really all felt pleased to see the enemy make such an appearance, and to hear the grape rattle about the commander-in-chief's ears, after he had accused the battalion of having run away from a scouting party. He rode off immediately, full speed, and we joined the two brigades that were now formed a little way in our rear; but it was not possible for them to make any stand against Washington's whole army, and they all retreated to Germantown, except Colonel Musgrave, who, with the 40th Regiment, nobly defended Howe's house till we were reinforced from Philadelphia.

Battle of Yorktown

The Battle of Yorktown is important because it was the last battle of the Revolutionary war.  On October 17th the British sent a fleet from New York to help General Cornwallis and his men, but by that time it was too late. The British were outnumbered and had hardly any food.

Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Hamilton had delivered a letter from General Washington to General Cornwallis. Washington wrote that he wanted to stop the "useless effusion of blood." On the same day the British fleet left New York, General Cornwallis realized there was no hope for his army.

On October 19, 1781, General Cornwallis and his 7,157 men officially surrendered to General Washington. No one knew at the time, but this was the last battle of the War. There were still some minor fights in the south where there were lots of Loyalists (colonists who remained loyal to King George III) and there were other battles on the Atlantic Ocean near England.  In April 1782, the British House of Commons voted to end the war.

The Battle of Yorktown was the climax of the Revolutionary War. The combined forces of General Washington, General Rochambeau, Admiral de Grasse, and General Lafayette all converged on the greatest concentration of British troops in America. It took great amounts of planning, courage, and skill to execute this attack.

When General Rochambeau met General Washington in 1781 to determine their next move against the British, Washington wanted to attack New York City. Rochambeau convinced him that the wiser move was to move South. Word had come from General Lafayette in Virginia that Cornwallis had taken up a defensive position at Yorktown. Cornwallis was situated next to the York River. If they could surround the city by land and cut off Cornwallis' escape route on the river, Washington and Rochambeau would strike an enormous blow to the British forces. Planning for the elaborate campaign began immediately.

French Admiral de Grasse, stationed in the West Indies, would sail with his fleet to the Chesapeake Bay and secure the mouth of the York River. Meanwhile, Washington and Rochambeau would march south to Yorktown and form a semicircle around the city. The plan was simple in concept, but it would take great military skill to execute.

First, Washington and Rochambeau started to march towards New York City. They stationed approximately 2500 men at the American forts near the city to fool the British into believing that Washington's entire force was still there. Then the combined Franco-American army raced south to Virginia. As they marched south, Admiral de Grasse's fleet arrived at the Chesapeake Bay. They defeated the British fleet of Admiral Thomas Graves and won control of the entire bay. More importantly, this meant that they controlled the mouth of the York River and could prevent both Cornwallis' escape and any British communication with Cornwallis. On September 28, 1781, Washington and Rochambeau, along with Lafayette's troops and 3,000 of de Grasse's men, arrived at Yorktown. In all, there were approximately 17,000 men converging on Cornwallis' camp. The stage was set for the final showdown in America's fight for independence.

The combined forces approached Yorktown from the South. The French, under Rochambeau, formed the left flank of the attack, while the American troops, under Washington and Lafayette, approached from the right. The city was soon surrounded and under heavy fire. On October 14, the Franco-American forces captured 2 major British redoubts. Cornwallis' options were running out. He even tried sending blacks infected with smallpox over enemy lines in an attempt to infect the American and French troops. After a futile counterattack, Cornwallis offered to surrender on October 17. On the 19th of October, the papers were signed and he officially surrendered. This would be the final major battle of the Revolutionary War.

Immediately after this battle, Lord North, the British Prime Minister, resigned. His successors decided that it was no longer in Britain's best interest to continue the war, and by November of 1782, the Treaty of Paris, in which Britain recognized the United States and promised to remove all its troops from the country, had been written. Just over 8 years after the Declaration of Independence, the United States of America was fully established as an independent nation.

During the negotiations at Paris, the course of Franco-American relations for the next century became apparent. Congress had urged the American negotiators, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Thomas Jefferson, and Henry Laurens, to follow the advice of the Comte de Vergennes. It soon became obvious, however, that Vergennes did not have the best interests of the United States first on his agenda. During the Revolutionary War, France and Britain had gone to war directly as well. The original French-American treaty of alliance stated that the two countries would not negotiate for peace separately. But the Americans found that they would get a much better deal if they negotiated separately from France, who did not want the new country to become too powerful. John Adams commented that Vergennes "means to keep his hand under our chin to keep us from drowning, but not to lift our head out of the water." The American diplomats went ahead and negotiated with Richard Oswald, the British negotiator, without any input from the French. When the terms of the treaty were finalized, Vergennes could only marvel at how well the Americans had negotiated without his help.

-General Cornwallis arrived in Petersburg in May of 1781. After receiving conflicting instructions, Cornwalis went to Yorktown and began preparing a naval base there. General Washington moved south and, together with French ground and naval forces, surrounded the British army, forcing its surrender and effectively ending the war.

The Siege Of Yorktown

Journal of Colonel Jonathan Trumbull, secretary to George Washington.

September 28

A most wonderful and very observable coincidence of favorable circumstances having concentered our various and extended preparations, the army commences its march from Williamsburg and approaches within two miles of York Town. The enemy on our approach make some shew of opposition from their cavalry, but upon our bringing up some field pieces and making a few shot, they retire, and we take a quiet position for the night.

The General and family sleep in the field without any other covering than the canopy of the heavens and the small spreading branches of a tree, which will probably be rendered venerable from this circumstance for a length of tane to come. Previous to this movement the enemies post at Glocester on the opposite side of York River had been invested by a body of militia under the command of Gen. ~Tedon, the French Legion of the Duke de Lauzun, and a body of French troops from the fleet all under the command of Brig. Gen. De Choisey. By the approach of the main body, and lying of the French ships in the mouth of the river, the enemy were now completely invested, except by water above the town, where they are yet open, and their boats are troublesome up the river for some distance. To close them on this side the General has proposed it to the admiral to run some ships above the town and to take their station there.

[September] 29. The American troops take their station in the front of the enemies works, extend from the left of Pigeon Quarter to Moor's Mill on Wormley's Creek, near the river.

The French troops occupy the left of the Americans and extend to the river above the town. No opposition this day except a few shots from the extream works, and small firing from their jagers and our rifle men.

[September] 30. In the morning it is discovered that the enemy have evacuated all their exterior works, and retired to their interior defence near the town. We immediately take possession of Pigeon Quarter and hill, and of the enemies' redoubts, and find ourselves very unexpectedly upon very advantageous ground, commanding their line of works in near approach. Scarce a gun fired this day. At night our troops begin to throw up some works and to take advantage of the enemies' evacuated labours.

Colonel Scammel,. being officer of the day, is cruelly wounded and taken prisoner while reconnoitering.

Cornwallis Surrender
Journal of Dr. James Thacher.

October 9th.

This is to us a most glorious day, but to the English, one of bitter chagrin and disappointment. Preparations are now making to receive as captives that vindictive, haughty commander and that victorious army, who, by their robberies and murders, have so long been a scourge to our brethren of the Southern states. Being on horseback, I anticipate a full share of satisfaction in viewing the various movements in the interesting scene.

The stipulated terms of capitulation are similar to those granted to General Lincoln at Charleston the last year. The captive troops are to march out with shouldered arms, colors cased and drums beating a British or German march, and to ground their arms at a place assigned for the purpose. The officers are allowed their side-arms and private property, and the generals and such officers as desire it are to go on parole to England or New York. The marines and seamen of the king's ships are prisoners of war to the navy of France; and the land forces to the United States. All military and artillery stores to be delivered up unimpaired. The royal prisoners to be sent into the interior of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania in regiments, to have rations allowed them equal to the American soldiers, and to have their officers near them. Lord Cornwallis to man and despatch the Bonetta sloop-of war with despatches to Sir Henry Clinton at New York without being searched, the vessel to be returned and the hands accounted for.

At about twelve o'clock army was ---ged and drawn up in two lines extending more than a mile in length. The Americans were drawn up in a line on the right side of the road, and the French occupied the left. At the head of the former, the great American commander, mounted on his noble courser, took his station attended by his aids~ At the head of the latter was posted the excellent Count Rochambeau and his suite. The French troops, in complete uniform, displayed a martial and noble appearance; their bands of music, of which the timbrel formed a part, is a delightful novelty and produced while marching to the ground a most enchanting effect. The Americans, though not all in uniform, nor their dress so neat, yet exhibited an erect, soldierly air, and every countenance beamed with satisfaction and joy. The concourse of spectators from the country was prodigious, in point of numbers was probably equal to the military, but universal silence and order prevailed.

It was about two o'clock when the captive army advanced through the line formed for their reception. Every eye was prepared to gaze on Lord Cornwallis, the object of peculiar interest and solicitude; but he disappointed our anxious expectations; pretending indisposition, he made General O'Hara his substitute as the leader of his army. This officer was followed by the conquered troops in a slow and solemn step, with shouldered arms, colors cased and drums beating a British march. Having arrived at the head of the line, General O'Hara, elegantly mounted, advanced to his excellency the commander-in-chief, taking oflf his hat, and apologized for the non-appearance of Earl Cornwallis. With his usual dignity and politeness, his excellency pointed to Major-General Lincoln for directions, by whom the British army was conducted into a spacious field, where it was intended they should ground their arms.

The royal troops, while marching through the line formed by the allied army, exhibited a decent and neat appearance, as respects arms and clothing, for their commander opened his store and directed every soldier to be furnished with a new suit complete, prior to the capitulation. But in their line of march we remarked a disorderly and unsoldierly conduct, their step was irregular, and their ranks frequently broken.

But it was in the field, when they came to the last act of the drama, that the spirit and pride of the British soldier was put to the severest test: here their mortification could not be concealed. Some of the platoon officers appeared to he exceedingly chagrined when giving the word "ground arms," and I am a witness that they performed this duty in a very unofficer-like manner; and that many of the soldiers manifested a sullen temper, throwing their arms on the pile with violence, as if determined to render them useless. This irregularity, however, was checked by the authority of General Lincoln. After having grounded their arms and divested themselves of their accoutrements, the captive troops were conducted back to Yorktown and guarded by our troops till they could be removed to the place of their destination.

The British troops that were stationed at Gloucester surrendered at the same time and in the same manner to the command of the Duke de Luzerne [Lauzun].

This must be a very interesting and gratifying transaction to General Lincoln, who, having himself been obliged to surrender an army to a haughty foe the last year, has now assigned him the pleasing duty of giving laws to a conquered army in return, and of reflecting that the terms which were imposed on him are adopted as a basis of the surrender in the present instance. It is a very gratifying circumstance that every degree of harmony, confidence and friendly intercourse subsisted between the American and French troops during the campaign—no contest, except an emulous spirit to excel in exploits and enterprise against the common enemy, and a desire to be celebrated in the annals of history for an ardent love of great and heroic actions.

We are not to be surprised that the pride of the British officers is humbled on this occasion, as they have always entertained an exalted opinion of their own miltiary prowess and affected to view the Americans as a contemptible, undisciplined rabble. But there is no display of magnanimity when a great commander shrinks from the inevitable misfortunes of war; and when it is considered that Lord Cornwallis has frequently appeared in splendid triumph at the head of his army, by which he is almost adored, we conceive it incumbent on him cheerfully to participate in their misfortunes and degradations, however humiliating; but it is said he gives himself up entirely to vexation and despair.

General George Washington’s Report of Seige of Yorktown

Head Quarters Before York, October 16, 1781

SIR: I had the honor to inform your Excellency in my last, of the l2th. instant, that we had the evening before opened our second parallel. The 13th. and 14th. we were employed in compleating it. The Engineers having deemed the two Redoubts on the left of the enemy's line sufficiently injured by our shot and shells to make them practicable, it was determined to carry them by assault on the evening of the 14th. The following disposition was accordingly made. The Work on the enemy's extreme left to be attacked hy the American Light Infantry under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette. The other by a detachment of the French Grenadiers and Chasseurs commanded by Major General the Baron Viomenil. I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency that we succeeded in both. Nothing could exceed the firmness and bravery of the Troops. They advanced under the fire of the Enemy without returning a shot and effected the business with the Bayonet only. The reports of His Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, The Marquis de la Fayette and Lt. Colonel Hamilton, copies of which I inclose, enter more particularly into a detail of the mode in which the attacks on the part of the French and American Columns were Conducted. We made prisoners in both Rcdoubts one Major, 2 Captains, 3 subalterns and 67 privates.

The Works which we have carried are of vast importance to us. From them we shall enfilade the enemy's whole line and I am in hopes we shall be able to command the communication from York to Gloucester. I think the Batteries of the second parallel will be in sufficient forwardness to begin to play in the course of this day.

The enemy last night made a sortie for the first time. They entered one of the French and one of the American Batteries on the second parallel which were unfinished. They had only time to thrust the points of their Bayonets into four pieces of the French and two of the American Artillery and break them off, but the spikes were easily extracted. They were repulsed the moment the supporting Troops came up, leaving behind them seven or eight dead and six prisoners. The French had four officers and twelve privates killed and wounded, and we had one serjeant mortally wounded.

I inclose your Excellency a Return of the killed and wounded of both Armies up to the present time. It is much smaller than might have been expected. I have the honor etc.

Washington’s Report of Surrender at Yorktown

Head Quarters near York, October 19, 1781

SIR: I have the Honor to inform Congress, that a Reduction of the British Army under the Command of Lord Cornwallis, is most happily effected. The unremitting Ardor which actuated every Officer and Soldier in the combined Army on this Occasion, has principally led to this Important Event, at an earlier period than my most sanguine Hopes had induced me to expect.

The singular Spirit of Emulation, which animated the whole Army from the first Commencement of our Operations, has filled my Mind with the highest pleasure and Satisfaction, and had given me the happiest presages of Success.

On the 17th instant, a Letter was received from Lord Cornwallis, proposing a Meeting of Commissioners, to consult on Terms for the Surrender of the Posts of York and Gloucester. This Letter (the first which had passed between us) opened a Correspondence, a Copy of which I do myself the Honor to inclose; that Correspondence was followed by the Definitive Capitulation, which was agreed to, and Signed on the Igth. Copy of which is also herewith transmitted, and which I hope, will meet the Approbation of Congress.

I should be wanting in the feelings of Gratitude, did I not mention on this Occasion, with the warmest Sense of Acknowledgements, the very chearfull and able Assistance, which I have received in the Course of our Operations, from his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, and all his Officers of every Rank, in their respective Capacities. Nothing could equal this Zeal of our Allies, but the emulating Spirit of the American Officers, whose Ardor would not suffer their Exertions to be exceeded.

The very uncommon Degree of Duty and Fatigue which the Nature of the Service required from the Officers of Engineers and Artillery of both Armies, obliges me particularly to mention the Obligations I am under to the Commanding and other Officers of those Corps.

I wish it was in my Power to express to Congress, how much I feel myself indebted to The Count de Grasse and the Officers of the Fleet under his Command for the distinguished Aid and Support which have been afforded by them; between whom, and the Army, the most happy Concurrence of Sentiments and Views have subsisted, and from whom, every possible Cooperation has 1Jeen experienced, which the most harmonious Intercourse could afford.

Returns of the Prisoners, Military Stores, Ordnance Shipping and other Matters, I shall do myself the Honor to transmit to Congress as soon as they can be collected by the Heads of Departments, to which they belong.

Colo. Laurens and the Viscount de Noiailles, on the Part of the combined Army, were the Gentlemen who acted as Commissioners for formg and settg the Terms of Capitulation and Surrender herewith transmitted, to whom I am particularly obliged for their Readiness and Attention exhibited on the Occasion.

Colo Tilghman, one of my Aids de Camp, will have the Honor to deliver these Dispatches to your Excellency; he will be able to inform you of every minute Circumstance which is not particularly mentioned in my Letter; his Merits, which are too well known to need my observations at this time, have gained my particular Attention, and could wish that they may be honored with the Notice of your Excellency and Congress.

Your Excellency and Congress will be pleased to accept my Congratulations on this happy Event, and believe me to be With the highest Respect etc.

P. S. Tho' I am not possessed of the Particular Returns, yet I have reason to suppose that the Number of Prisoners will be between five and Six thousand, exclusive of Seamen and others.